Soldiers from the Russian private military company Wagner (pictured here on an unknown date in northern Mali). ©AP/SIPA.
Three days after the arrival of the Malian army and mercenaries from the private Russian company in this village in central Mali, several inhabitants accused them of rape and sexual assault. We have collected these testimonies.
These are the kinds of testimonies that send shivers down your spine – gathered by telephone – which, for the first time in such a clear and precise manner, accuse Wagner’s mercenaries of rape in Mali.
As revealed by Radio France Internationale (RFI), the Malian Armed Forces (FAMA), accompanied by their deputies from the Russian private military company Wagner and traditional dozen hunters, raided the village of Nia Ouro, near Sofara, in the Mopti region, in the center of the country, at dawn on 4 September.
READ MORE Wagner in Mali: an exclusive investigation into Putin's mercenaries
That day, Amadou* was at home with his wife. Some of the men in the village warned of the arrival of an armed convoy, fled into the bush to hide. Some women followed them with their children. At around 9 am, some dozos came through his door and ordered him and other inhabitants to come out. “They told me that the FAMA wanted to talk to me. They took me to the soldiers who asked me who I was and what I was doing there. Then they handed me over to the leader of a group of whites, guys from Wagner”.
Forcibly undressed and photographed
Amadou was then tied up and blindfolded. Along with a small group of about 40 men from the village, they were accused of being “accomplices of the jihadists” and loaded onto a truck. They were taken to Wagner’s advanced base in Sofara, the commune’s main town, about ten kilometers away. There, they were imprisoned and interrogated. “Wagner’s men wanted to know where the jihadists were. I told them that I had never collaborated with them and that I had no idea where they were. I made sure that I was quiet because those who were not were beaten hard.” After 48 hours of detention under the surveillance of the mercenaries and Malian soldiers, Amadou was released.
READ MORE Mali's army and Wagner accused of committing a 'massacre' in Moura
Shocked and fearing reprisals, he did not return home but hid in a nearby village. The inhabitants of Nia Ouro told him what had happened in his absence. There, several women, including young girls and elderly ladies, were sexually assaulted. “They forced some of them to undress so that they could be photographed or videotaped,” says Moussa*, another village resident. Others were raped directly in their homes. At least three of the women were seriously injured by the white men.
Theft and looting
In a video received by Jeune Afrique, a woman from Nia Ouro, who fled the village and has been living in the bush for the past three days with other villagers and children, also recalls the arrival of “Malian and white soldiers” in the village. “They went into the huts and tore off the women’s clothes. They also took away young women and even hit children,” she says, in Fula.
READ MORE Russia-Ukraine: From the CAR to Mali, Wagner takes part in Putin's war
At the same time, other armed men engaged in theft and looting. Money, jewelry, and other valuable belongings were stolen by the soldiers. “They turned the whole village upside down. The millet shop was looted. They ransacked the health center. Our animals – oxen, sheep, goats – were also stolen or killed to be eaten,” says Amadou.
The plight of Malian Women
Malian women from Koygouma who had to flee the conflict in 2013 gather to greet the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) delegation in the Timbuktu Region of Mali 06 May 2019. (issued 09 May 2019) This visit follows the repatriation of 2086 Malian refugees from the Mbera camp in Mauritania in April who had to flee conflict in 2013. Vehicles from the High Council for Azawad Unity (HCUA) also came to secure the area. In Koygouma the HCUA member of the Coordination of Azawad Movements (CMA) is very present. This rebel group that signed the Algiers peace agreement mainly composed of Ansar Dine dissidents is often criticized for its double game with Ansar Dine jihadists and its proximity to Iyad Ag Ghali. EPA-EFE/NICOLAS REMENE
The transition period in this West African country could set the tone for new norms future governments could live by.
On 26 September, hundreds of Malian women and some men rallied in the capital Bamako to protest against the trivialization of violence against women. This was prompted by the revelation on social media of alleged intimate partner abuse involving a famous Malian artist.
The story broke just two months before the 25 November annual international day for the elimination of violence against women. The case, now pending in court, sheds light on a society-wide problem that’s often silenced by deeply entrenched social norms and religious discourse.
Fear on the part of the political elite to confront the divisive issue makes matters worse.
Official figures on violence against women are hard to find in Mali – even more so specific numbers on domestic and intimate partner violence. The country’s statistical capacities are generally weak, but this also indicates the low priority given to issues affecting women, especially gender-based violence.
The little data that is available, including through humanitarian protection monitoring mechanisms, emphasizes conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence. This should be tracked and addressed as Mali struggles with a multidimensional crisis in its central and northern regions.
But violence against women goes beyond this conflict.
In a 2017 interview, then chair of the national chapter of Women in Law and Development in Africa, Bouaré Bintou Founé Samaké, said 85% of the violence against women cases the organization documented occurred in family settings.
Samaké now heads the ministry in charge of women’s affairs in the transitional government, which opens new possibilities for action.
A 2018 National Institute of Statistics demographic and health survey showed that one in two Malian women aged 15 to 49 had suffered acts of physical or sexual violence.
The same proportion faces emotional, physical, and/or sexual abuse in the context of relationship break-ups.
The survey also found that 79% of women and 47% of men considered physical violence by a man against his female partner to be normal and justifiable.
Women’s organizations have been vocal about the widespread nature of violence against women. But despite their repeated appeals for reforms, there’s been little progress toward improving the country’s framework to protect women’s lives and rights.
A 2019 draft law opposing violence against women proposed by women’s and other civil society organizations wasn’t adopted, partly due to pressure from powerful religious groups. To many, this felt like déjà-vu: in 2009 the National Assembly of Mali had passed a Family Law that leaned towards improving women’s rights and advancing gender equality.
But this law was never enacted by the executive.
Pressure from religious groups led the administration of then-president Amadou Toumani Touré to send the text back to parliament. The version signed by the executive two years later removed all progressive dispositions for women’s rights.
The September 2020 protest revived an old conversation on societal factors excusing violence against women, and the legal vacuum protecting perpetrators. This created an opportunity for transition authorities to do the right thing.
On 1 October, the Transition Charter was released, setting out the steps and priorities of the 18-month transition following the August coup.
Given the complexity of the crisis and the limited timeframe, choices had to be made, and gender inequality wasn’t included in the charter’s six priority areas.
Nonetheless, by enacting long-overdue policies and laws that improve the safety of millions of women and girls, reform can be achieved during the transition.
Political courage will be needed to carry an agenda of social justice and women’s rights in a country where this routinely triggers resistance by powerful conservative forces.
In October, the appointment of an 84% male transitional government by an all-male leadership was met with criticism. It fell short of the obligation in a 2015 law to include at least 30% of each sex in any nominations for public office.
The backlash led to the transitional government making the inclusion of women a requirement for all groups to be represented in the National Transitional Council.
The council will probably involve a higher proportion of women than any previous legislature in Mali’s history. This creates a unique opportunity to raise issues affecting women on the national agenda.
However, more women in the legislature won’t necessarily translate into greater gender equality in the country’s laws. These women will need to drive the violence against women agenda which calls for a clear sense of purpose, determination, and support from women’s organizations and male allies in and outside government.
Without a specific law on violence against women, victims have few options to seek justice, especially as society stigmatizes those who speak up. There is also nothing to deter perpetrators.
Passing a law would help fight impunity, but it won’t be enough.
Effective implementation must follow, including in often-overlooked rural areas. Women will need to be made aware of their rights, and political leadership and drive will be essential to getting justice and security personnel on board.
This will take profound mindset changes in institutional cultures that have minimized violence against women as a ‘private’ issue.
Such shifts are only possible if the political commitment to improve the safety, status, and overall conditions of women remain high.
The transition period could set the tone and create a new norm for subsequent governments to live by.
Transitional authorities should champion the agenda for better representation of women in all areas of public service. This means observing the 30% minimum requirement in appointments during the transition and paving the way for it to be mandatory in the revised electoral framework.
It means reviewing public administration recruitment practices to increase the presence of women and offer them better career prospects.
Measures are also needed to improve girls’ access to advanced education that prepares them for leadership positions.
Addressing violence against women in Mali will require more than a law.
Society’s views on women need to change and the structural power imbalances between women and men must be rectified.
To achieve this, girls need better access to education, and women need income-generating opportunities and representation in all areas of public and private sectors, including leadership. DM
Ornella Moderan, Head, Sahel Programme, ISS Bamako
This article was produced with support from the UK Conflict, Stability and Security Fund, and the Hanns Seidel Foundation.